Mac Thornberry, the top Republican on the largest committee in Congress, has long pressed for changes his colleagues didn’t yet see as necessary. I’ve covered him for a long, long time and remember when he pressed hard with then-Sen. Dan Coats to make the services fight and train much more closely together. Their vision resulted in the fatally compromised Joint Forces Command. Thornberry and Coats just couldn’t bring their colleagues to shake things up that much and their creation died an ignominious death. Thornberry’s most successful change took shape years after he began pressing for much better coordination among the agencies charged with protecting the American homeland with creation of the eponymous Department of Homeland Security. Now the congressman, who sadly will not run for reelection this November, is tackling arguably one of the biggest strategic gaps in America’s global posture — shifting significant resources to what we now know as the Indo-Pacfic. His colleagues have approved $22 billion for the European Deterrence Initiative, aimed at Russia. The Pacific? Not so much, even with its being identified in the National Defense Strategy as the most important region in the world. So, what does Thornberry think should be done? Read on! The Editor.
Events in the Indo-Pacific region have a profound influence on the U.S. and the rest of the world, as the COVID-19 pandemic reminds us. The Defense Department made the Indo-Pacific its “priority theater” in the 2018 National Defense Strategy, reflecting not just concern about China but also the opportunities for working with partners and allies in the region for the broader good. But there still seems to be a reluctance to “put our money where our mouth is” when it comes to the Indo-Pacific.
China, as well as Russia, are working to undo the international system that was largely established by the U.S. and its allies in the aftermath of World War II. That system has led to unprecedented improvements in longevity, quality of life, and security across the globe, including in China, as well as an increase in self-government in much of the world. Even as Americans shelter in place, however, China is using dubious data about its own COVID-19 response and its propaganda machine to undermine U.S. leadership and to drive a wedge between the U.S. and its allies and partners. Now is the time for the United States to demonstrate its dedication to the Indo-Pacific region and to our allies and partners there.
Today, I am releasing draft legislation to charter and fund an Indo-Pacific Deterrence Initiative. My bill would mandate a U.S. presence in the region, set out a training and exercise regime with our allies, preposition equipment, invest in infrastructure, and strengthen ally and partner capacity. It will clearly identify the specific resources required to enhance deterrence with China.
When facing similar challenges from Russia in Europe, Congress and the Obama Administration created the European Deterrence Initiative (EDI), announced in 2014 as the European Reassurance Initiative, as a collection of policies and programs to cumulatively deter an increasingly aggressive Russia. EDI expanded partner capacity and restored important infrastructure needed in time of conflict. By pooling and directing the resources dedicated to countering Russia, EDI continues to serve as an important barometer of American commitment to the region, sending a clear signal to our allies and adversaries alike. It is time we do the same in the Indo-Pacific region.
In fact, Congress already did. In the Fiscal 2018 National Defense Authorization Act, Congress created an Indo-Pacific Stability Initiative that required the Pentagon to provide a plan similar to EDI for the activities, capabilities, and resources necessary to deter China in the Indo-Pacific region. But the Pentagon has never requested any funds for the initiative. It seems that Congress will have to direct funding for what is supposed to be the “priority theater.”
This funding builds on President Trump’s own budget request for the region with the additional requirements identified by our regional commanders and service secretaries. It also utilizes information in the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command’s investment plan required by Congress and delivered last month. In total, it calls for spending $6.09 billion in fiscal 2021, including approximately $1 billion to enhance missile defense, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, information operations, and the presence of rotational forces; $1.5 billion for prepositioning, logistics, and munitions; $2.1 billion to invest in infrastructure with $10 million for strategic construction planning and design; $350 million for programs to strengthen capacity and engagement with allies and partners; and $1 billion for training and exercises.
Obviously, defense resources are limited, and we cannot do everything in one year. There also may be other needs I have not identified. But the important thing is to get started. Having a specific, dedicated fund, such as with Europe, makes transparency and oversight easier and provides a benchmark with which to measure progress and what remains to be done.
When Congress is able to reconvene, it is poised to pass the National Defense Authorization Act for the 60th year in a row. No other piece of legislation has a similar bi-partisan track record. In the next 60 years, America’s fortunes will be greatly influenced by what happens in the Indo-Pacific region. It would be fitting if we mark this milestone by implementing a new strategic approach to this vital part of the world.
Rep. Mac Thornberry is the top Republican on the House Armed Services Committee, where he previously served as chairman. He plans to leave Congress after more than 15 years in office.
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