ICEYE 25cm SAR satellite image of oil tanks in Rotterdam, the Netherlands

Since its creation last December, the U.S. Space Force has been charged with rapidly countering growing threats in an increasingly important domain. To successfully meet this mission, the service will have to adapt in a number of ways. One of the most vital tasks will be reforming an acquisition process ill-suited to protect against these growing threats.

China and Russia have continued to develop and test space systems that make clear the transformation of space to a warfighting domain. As our adversaries develop advanced space capabilities, Congress and the Department of Defense must find the right balance between acquisition oversight and accountability, empowering the new Space Force to swiftly acquire the tools it needs to prevail.

The smaller size and budget of the new service make it an ideal testbed for reform, allowing for easier oversight of new tools and the increased transparency required to retain these flexibilities. Modern threats require our acquisition policy to move faster and be more flexible, adapting on the fly, and there are two areas where Space Force’s size makes it the perfect place to test changes while mitigating risks.

The first area is streamlining acquisition decisions. Effective decisions require analytical rigor, discipline and balanced risk, but every additional level of review takes time. To develop and deliver space programs faster, the Space Force must empower leaders to make decisions at the lowest possible level. 

Eric Fanning, CEO of the Aerospace Industries Association AIA

Eric Fanning

For example, milestone decision authority for Major Defense Acquisition Programs (MDAP) and other major space programs have high levels of oversight within the Defense Department. Those drive longer decision timelines. The Space Force needs authorization to drive decision-making further down in the organization, as has been successfully demonstrated by the builder and operator of America’s spy satellites, the National Reconnaissance Office. We can look to this year’s House NDAA for a path forward. Rep. Mac Thornberry’s amendment creating an Alternative Space Acquisition System would allow the delegation of authorities for MDAPs and major systems to program executive officers (PEOs) and program managers (PMs), as appropriate. This is just the right kind of policy and law that allow decision delegation to the lowest possible level.

The second area is increasing program and budget flexibility. While the Pentagon’s acquisition toolbox has expanded, for example through the new Adaptive Acquisition Framework and Middle Tier Acquisition, we are still not nimble enough to outpace our adversaries. The Space Force should review how to better leverage the existing laws and regulations, but they need more help.

A Falcon 9 carrying GPS III SV04 lifts off from Cape Canaveral Air Force Station, Florida, Nov 5. The fourth GPS III satellite, it will join the 31 operational satellites currently orbiting the Earth. GPS III brings new capabilities to users, including three times greater accuracy and up to eight times improved anti-jamming capabilities. (Photo courtesy of SpaceX)

SpaceX Falcon 9 launches fourth GPS III satellite

For example, the service needs flexibility in how it is allowed to buy its major systems. Incremental procurement funding would allow Space Force to more efficiently spread out the costs of expensive systems over multiple years. Many satellite programs take years to build, but their procurement must be funded in just one fiscal year. This can lead to unrealistic budgeting across the Future Years Defense Program (FYDP), increased cost and schedule risk.

Additionally, the Space Force should adopt a portfolio approach to program management, consolidating programs into mission areas to better manage requirements across the mission set. This would enable both enhanced flexibility in the execution year and the ability to realign mission priorities as needed in the ever-evolving domain.

As with all acquisition reform, these recommendations challenge both Congress’s impulse to maintain tight oversight and DOD’s reluctance towards transparency. The Space Force presents a perfect opportunity for both institutions to move beyond their comfort zones, exchange the needed flexibility and transparency and recognize that the small size of this service allows for easier oversight and understanding of success. 

But what will that success look like? First, relations between the two entities must become more open. Too often, the Pentagon and Capitol Hill are intent to play defense with each other, setting guardrails to protect their principals and equities instead of working together. The reforms I’ve listed are certainly one way Congress can help, but the Defense Department must be more transparent, focus more energy (and staff) on engaging and communicating with Congress earlier and more frequently, and commit to readily delivering the good news AND the bad. The only way to achieve success is for this relationship to strengthen.

Next, success will mean actually seeing measurable results from the improved speed and adaptability. That will be best measured by the warfighter. Space is vital for every combatant commander, not just Space Command. They’ll be able to tell if the reforms are working based off the requirements they set and the capabilities delivered, even if there were slips along the way.

But the greatest possible success goes beyond our space enterprise. Space Force has a chance to prove what reforms work, discover where problems persist, and pioneer successes that can be scaled across the DoD, speeding delivery of critical capabilities to our forces.

Of course, new congressional authorities and better Pentagon transparency must be matched by stronger government investment and partnership with industry. Increased investment not only funds critical defense programs, but also signifies to industry where to invest their money and manpower, driving innovative solutions to the toughest challenges. And as we’ve seen in the Pentagon’s efforts adapting to COVID-19, we can improve communication to help industry and government understand each other’s current capabilities and needs. Both these priorities will enhance any acquisition reforms.

We know we can adapt to a new, space-focused reality, because we have before. In the 1950s, as the Soviet Union forged its nuclear program, the U.S. needed greater insight into their efforts. Capitalizing on the technological innovation and industrial might that helped win World War II, America sought an off-planet solution: satellite reconnaissance. This new program forced our government to adapt and even take risks. It failed 13 times before providing more photo coverage of the USSR than America had ever had before. It wasn’t easy – but it was worth it. 

In that spirit, the Space Force should be empowered to adapt and take the risks required to prevail in the space domain. With the proper reforms, our newest service will outpace our adversaries, help build a more innovative and stronger military, and ensure a safer and more secure America. 

Eric Fanning, a member of the Breaking Defense Board of Contributors, is president and CEO of the Aerospace Industries Association, representing more than 300 companies in the aerospace and defense sector. He served as 22nd Secretary of the Army and Acting Secretary of the Air Force.